I've often berated those who will criticize Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia because of their dependency on primary exports to as the motors of their economies. The classic beef is that of Venezuela, where we're told (quite correctly) that the black stuff accounts for 90% of the country's exports. The same kind of addiction to oil is shown by Ecuador, whereas Bolivia is guilty of betting the farm on natgas and metals.
But the same people who criticize the AxisOfEvo™ countries fall over themselves to praise a country like Peru and conveniently forget that 60% of its exports are metals (mainly copper and gold, by dollar value). And the same with on-the-way-to-being-a-first-world Chile, where the same amount of exports isn't just metal, it's one freakin' metal! (yeah you guessed it, Cu). To the list we can add Colombia (coal, other hydrocarbons), Brazil (everything, esp agro), Argentina (its soya addiction is more impressive by the year) Paraguay (also soybean) etc etc.
There's a double standard in operation here. The thing is, I'm not against basing an economy on primary exports. I barb at those who criticize the AxisOfEvos but not the AmerikaFriends, but the model that most (not all) of LatAm is using for growth isn't a bad one at all. Not to put too fine a point on it, it was made in Chile in the 1990's and the others, esp. Peru and Bolivia, are now copying it successfully (with their own local adjustments, of course). The idea is to pump out the exports, tuck the money away in a reserve fund and then if commods prices drop you have a safety net, via a fund that is available for countercyclical measures that will keep the motors running through the hard times.
It still has its critics of course (as Matthew Hawkins points out) and that issue can be debated. I'm not one of those critics, but the point is that when it comes to the primary export model you can either be for it as regards South America or against it. However, criticizing one government for its model because you don't like what its president says on the world stage and then praising a friendly government for the same policy is intellectually corrupt. This is where the dumbasses enter stage right.
A final point here. I think the IMF is due some decent praise for its recent stance on Bolivia. Yeah for sure it's easy to take a potshot or two at the suited dudes because they were wrong about their diagnosis and cure for the country, but at least they have the intellectual clarity and balls to say that things are going well for Bolivia and the state of macro affairs is good. They might not put it into direct words, but the last year's worth of IMF commentaries on Bolivia have summed up to a "we were wrong and we admit it". That's because these guys go in , look at the numbers and don't try to slap an extra layer of political bias on the deal. Others try to use the same numbers in a manipulative way to kosh people over the head with prejudice. So a "YAY" for the IMF on its recent Bolivia comments. Fair dinkum, dudes.
So now to Matthew Hawkins' comment, as left behind this post yesterday. One of the smartest and clear-thinking comments that have been left here and excellent food for thought. It distilled a lot of ideas that randomly rattle around in my head and I hope it is of service to you too, esteemed IKN reader.
There is no capacity to significantly industrialize in Latin America. I would say dust off the old dependency theorists, but the rise of China's manufacturing capacity has made any industrializing-to-development attempt in Latin America very outdated. I don't think anyone will necessarily find holistically useful and contemporary solutions in any of the dependentistas. Which is not to say their analysis of the economic realities do not remain valid and important.
Which is not to say that Brazil's automotive and aerospace manufacturing is not significant, nor that other countries in the region cannot start their own manufacturing. But these sectors are not large enough to support the growth of an economy nor can they compete internationally to bring in foreign capital. They can be developed to lower the costs of certain imports and encourage economic independence (or regional interdependence).
Bolivia, Venezuela, and most Latin American countries dependent upon extractive industries are going to run into a problem 'economically'. The failure of Centellas to acknowledge the most basic tenants of South American dependency theory in his 'economic analysis' of Bolivia, demonstrates either an ideological or academic blind-spot. The 'failure' of ISI programs, as the proposed solution by many dependistas, in Latin America (highly debatable if we look at the growth numbers of the ISI period to the neoliberal period but I digress) has been used to discredit the analysis of the political-economic situation of Latin American countries. That in itself was politically motivated, as no one would have followed a neo-liberalization with its deregulation of the global markets, dropping of protections, whole-sale sell off of public assets to global investors, etc. had the dependency theorists held the political-imagination of nationalist leaders.
The fact that dependency theorists' observations remain fundamental sound and true today, and that Latin American countries have not escaped the whims of the global price of primary commodity-exports should again raise alarm bells against anyone who attempts to make this the particular problem of an individual (leftist, read:Allende) government.